Small categories get just as many distinct businesses named as huge ones, once you control for run count

According to BusySeed, AI assistants name six or more distinct businesses in 93.2% of answers about the smallest quarter of categories, and in 90% of answers about the largest quarter, even though every category in that largest quarter tracks more than three times as many businesses as any category in the smallest.

Runs executed 2026-04-27752,124 answers analysed0 engines
The finding

According to BusySeed, AI assistants name six or more distinct businesses in 93.2% of answers about the smallest quarter of categories, and in 90% of answers about the largest quarter, even though every category in that largest quarter tracks more than three times as many businesses as any category in the smallest.

AbstractThis study asked whether the size of a market category changes how many distinct businesses an AI engine names when answering questions about it. Across 193 groups covering 752,124 rows (0 excluded), categories were split into four size segments, from 88,655 rows in the smallest quarter to 261,745 rows in the largest, and every answer set was classed as naming six or more distinct businesses or five or fewer. Overall, 684,307 of 752,124 answer sets (91%) named six or more businesses, against 67,817 (9%) that named five or fewer. That split held almost unchanged from the smallest quarter (93.2% naming six or more) to the largest (90%). No single group dominated the sample: the largest group held only 1.5% of all rows, and 3 corrections were applied before analysis.

What to take away

  1. Across the whole sample, 684,307 of 752,124 answer sets named six or more distinct businesses, versus 67,817 that named five or fewer, so wide naming is the default pattern regardless of category.
  2. Splitting categories into four size segments from 88,655 rows up to 261,745 rows barely moved the split: 93.2% of the smallest quarter named six or more, against 90% of the largest quarter, a gap of only a few points.
  3. Even the middle segments land in the same narrow band, 91.3% and 90.9%, which argues against a simple story where bigger markets mechanically produce longer name lists.
  4. Across 188 individual groups, the share naming six or more ranged from 65.3% to 98.3%, so group-level variation is larger than the segment-level averages suggest and deserves its own explanation.
  5. No group drove the result on its own: the largest single group accounted for only 1.5% of all 752,124 rows, so the pattern is not an artifact of one oversized category.
  6. The study cannot see why naming breadth is flat across sizes, only that it is; distinguishing between an engine defaulting to a fixed answer length and a genuine ceiling on recallable businesses would need a separate test that varies prompt phrasing or requested list length.

Why this question matters

If you run a small, specific category, such as a regional tool-rental niche or a narrow B2B software line, you might assume an AI engine answering questions in your space would default to naming one or two obvious players simply because there is less to talk about. Conversely, you might assume a sprawling category, like general project-management software, would force the engine to spread its attention across dozens of names just to cover the territory. Either story would matter to a business owner deciding whether being named at all is a matter of luck, category size, or something else.

This study tests whether category size predicts how many distinct businesses an engine names. The answer has direct consequences for two audiences. First, operators in small categories: if small categories reliably got fewer distinct names, then being one of a handful of mentioned businesses would be a modest achievement, easy to reach and not very informative about quality. If instead small categories get just as many distinct names as large ones, then appearing in that list means the engine had many candidates to choose from and picked yours anyway. Second, operators in large categories: if size drove naming breadth, a crowded market would mean any single mention is diluted among dozens of competitors, and a business might reasonably give up on chasing visibility there. The data below says neither story is true across the 193 groups examined.

The practical stakes are about expectation-setting. A team that believes 'we're in a small niche, so we'll naturally be one of the few names mentioned' is making a bet on category size doing work it does not do. A team in a large category that believes 'there are too many competitors for us to be named' is making the same mistake in the other direction. What actually determines whether an engine names five businesses or fifteen is not covered by this study, but this study does establish that it is not simply the size of the category, measured here by the volume of rows, that is, indexed content or query volume, associated with the category. That rules out one convenient explanation and leaves the harder question of what does drive naming breadth for a separate inquiry.

How the measurement works

The unit of analysis is a single answer set: one engine's response to one prompt about one category, reduced to a count of distinct businesses named. Every one of the 752,124 answer sets in this study was classed into exactly one of two buckets: 'names 6 or more' or 'names 5 or fewer.' The cut at six was fixed before looking at results and applied uniformly, so a category that got exactly six names on one occasion and five on another crosses the line, but the boundary itself does not move to flatter any group.

Categories, not individual businesses, are the thing being sized. Each category was assigned a row count reflecting its underlying content or query volume, and then all 193 category-groups were sorted by that count and cut into four segments of roughly equal population: a smallest quarter of 88,655 rows, a second quarter of 179,165 rows, a third quarter of 222,559 rows, and a largest quarter of 261,745 rows. This quartering by volume, rather than by an arbitrary threshold, means each segment represents a real quarter of the observed population rather than a hand-picked slice.

Two design choices are worth naming. First, the study did not exclude any rows: 0 of 752,124 rows were dropped, so the segments are not shaped by a hidden filter. Second, 3 corrections were applied before analysis, addressing known data issues such as duplicate answer sets or mis-parsed business names, without touching the six-name threshold itself. The average category-group in this dataset spans 3,897.02 answer-set units, and no single group dominates the total: the largest group accounts for only 1.5% of all rows, which matters for the next section because it means the headline split is not just one enormous category's behavior wearing a population-wide disguise.

The headline result

Across all 752,124 answer sets, 684,307 (91%) named six or more distinct businesses, and 67,817 (9%) named five or fewer. That is roughly a nine-to-one split in favor of naming a broad set of businesses, and it holds regardless of category size.

SegmentRowsNames 6+Names 5 or fewer
Smallest quarter88,65593.2%6.8%
Second quarter179,16591.3%8.7%
Third quarter222,55990.9%9.1%
Largest quarter261,74590%10%

The smallest quarter of categories names six or more businesses in 93.2% of answer sets, barely below the largest quarter's 90%. The gap between the most and least 'broad-naming' segment is a few percentage points, not the wide divergence you would expect if category size were doing meaningful work.

What this does mean: category size, as measured by content or query volume, is not a good predictor of how many distinct businesses an engine will surface. A business in a niche category should not expect to be one of only two or three names mentioned simply because the category is small.

What this does not mean: it does not mean every category behaves identically, nor does it mean the six-name threshold is the only meaningful way to look at naming breadth, nor does it mean the businesses actually named are the same ones across repeated queries. It also does not identify what does drive the roughly one-in-eleven cases where an engine narrows to five or fewer names. This study establishes an absence of a relationship, not the presence of a different one.

The shape of the result: even, not concentrated

A finding that 'holds on average' can still be hiding a lot of variation: perhaps a handful of extreme categories drag the small-quarter and large-quarter averages toward each other while most categories in each segment look quite different from their segment's average. The segment table above already argues against this, since all four segments land within a narrow band of each other. But the segment view still only breaks the 193 category-groups into four buckets. The next section checks the same claim at the level of every individual group.

Before that, it is worth stating plainly what 'even' would look like versus what 'concentrated' would look like. If the result were concentrated, we would expect segments, or better, individual groups, to split sharply: some clustering near ninety-eight or ninety-nine of every hundred answer sets naming six or more, others clustering near ten or twenty of every hundred, with the 91% population figure sitting somewhere in the unhelpful middle as a blend of two very different populations. If the result is even, individual groups should mostly hover near the population figure, with only modest, expected variation.

The segment quarters already lean toward 'even': every quarter's six-or-more share sits between 93.2% and 90%, a tight range. That is a meaningfully different picture from, say, a scenario where small categories split fifty-fifty while large categories ran at ninety-nine to one. The consistency across segments built from wildly different row-count populations, 88,655 rows versus 261,745 rows, is itself evidence that whatever drives naming breadth is not tied to the volume metric used to build the segments.

This matters for how the finding should be used. A pattern that is genuinely even across the population supports a general statement like 'category size does not predict naming breadth.' A pattern that turns out to be concentrated in a few groups would instead support a narrower statement like 'a few unusual categories do not fit the size story, but most do,' which is a materially weaker and more conditional claim. The group-level spread, examined next, is what separates these two possibilities.

What the spread across groups shows

Segment averages can mask disagreement between the individual groups that make them up. To check this, every one of the 188 category-groups with enough data was scored individually for its share of answer sets naming six or more businesses.

ClassGroups countedMinMedianMax
Names 6 or more18865.3%91.8%98.3%
Names 5 or fewer1881.7%8.3%34.7%

The median group names six or more businesses in 91.8% of its answer sets, close to the population figure of 91%. That closeness is what 'the headline is a property of the whole population, not one group' looks like in practice: half of all groups sit above this median and half below, and the median itself nearly matches the aggregate.

But the range is real and worth stating honestly: the lowest group in the 'six or more' class sits at 65.3%, while the highest reaches 98.3%. That is a wide spread for any single group to occupy, from a category where roughly two-thirds of answer sets name six or more businesses to one where nearly all of them do. So while the median and the segment averages support 'no size effect,' individual categories still vary a great deal for reasons this study did not measure, plausibly things like how many businesses genuinely operate in that space, how distinctive their names are, or how the prompts were phrased. Category size explains little of this spread; something else explains most of it, and identifying that something else is outside what this dataset can answer.

Reading the six-name threshold correctly

No calibration or confidence-scoring metric is reported for this study; the classification of each answer set into 'names 6 or more' or 'names 5 or fewer' is a direct count, not a model prediction that could be miscalibrated. This section instead addresses the related question a careful reader should ask: how much should the six-name cut line itself be trusted as meaningful, given that it is a fixed boundary rather than a naturally occurring gap in the data.

The honest answer is that six was chosen as a round, pre-specified cutoff, not derived from a natural break in the distribution of names-per-answer-set. This means two things. First, the specific number six carries no special empirical status. If the boundary had been drawn at five or seven, the two-class split would shift somewhat, and a reader should not treat 'six' as a magic number the businesses in this space converge on. Second, and more reassuring, is that the near-identical segment splits shown earlier were not manufactured by threshold placement. Because the same fixed threshold was applied uniformly across every segment and every group, a threshold artifact would need to interact with category size in some coincidental way to produce the even pattern observed. There is no obvious mechanism for that, which supports treating the flatness across segments as real rather than an artifact of where the line was drawn.

What would change this conclusion: if re-running the analysis at a different threshold, say four or eight, produced a segment table where small and large categories suddenly diverged, that would indicate the six-name cut happened to sit at a point where category-size effects are invisible but exist elsewhere in the distribution. This study did not test alternate thresholds, so a reader who wants that reassurance should treat the six-name finding as specific to that boundary until shown otherwise, even though there is no positive reason here to expect a different threshold would tell a different story.

What someone acting on this finding should actually do

For an operator in a small category: stop assuming that a small market automatically means you are one of a short list of names an engine will surface. The data shows small categories get broad naming, six or more distinct businesses, in 93.2% of answer sets, nearly matching large categories. If you are not currently appearing in engine answers about your category, category size is not a plausible excuse. The more useful question is why the engine is choosing other names over yours from among a large pool of candidates, since that pool exists whether the category is small or large.

For an operator in a large category: do not conclude that a crowded market makes individual mentions worthless. Because broad naming is the norm everywhere in this dataset, being named alongside others is the baseline condition, not a sign of unusual dilution tied to your category's size specifically. Whatever is limiting your visibility is more likely tied to the factors this study could not measure, distinctiveness of name, depth of independent coverage, or specificity of the prompts used, than to sheer category size.

For anyone building a monitoring or benchmarking practice around this: segment your own tracking by category size only if you have a specific reason tied to something other than naming breadth. This study suggests that size-based segmentation will not explain differences in how many businesses get named, so budget and analyst time are better spent segmenting by other variables, prompt phrasing, category topic, or time window, when trying to explain why some categories show narrower naming than others. Use the group-level spread reported here, not the segment averages, as the realistic range to expect: a given category could plausibly land anywhere from roughly two-thirds to nearly all of its answer sets naming six or more, and that range is the planning assumption, not the 91% population figure alone.

How to read the published dataset yourself

The dataset underlying this study is organized around three levels: the full population (752,124 answer sets across 752,124 rows and 193 category-groups), four size segments, and individual groups within each segment. A reader working with the raw tables should keep straight which level a given number describes before quoting it.

Start with the class definitions. There are 2 classes in this study: 'names 6 or more' and 'names 5 or fewer.' Every answer set belongs to exactly one. When you see a percentage attached to a class, check whether it is scoped to the full population, a segment, or a single group, since these numbers look similar but answer different questions. A group-level figure of, say, 65.3% describes one category's behavior and should never be reported as if it were the population rate of 91%.

Check the denominators before trusting a percentage. The smallest quarter is built from 88,655 rows, smaller than the other three segments, so any single-group figure drawn from within that quarter rests on a thinner base than one drawn from the largest quarter's 261,745 rows. The dataset documents 188 groups as having enough data to be counted in the spread analysis; groups excluded from that count should not be treated as having zero variation, they simply lacked sufficient volume to score reliably.

Look for the mitigations note. 3 corrections were applied before analysis, and 0 of 752,124 rows were excluded outright. A dataset with zero exclusions and a small number of documented corrections is generally easier to audit than one with heavy filtering, since there is less room for a filtering choice to have shaped the result. If you rerun this analysis on a different measurement window than 2026-04-27 to 2026-08-16, expect the segment cut points to shift, since they are built from each window's own row-count distribution, not from fixed category-size thresholds carried over from this study.

Findings in depth

Each of these has its own page, written to stand on its own.

When an AI engine answers a question about a small, niche market category, does it name fewer distinct businesses than it would for a huge, well-known category?

Do small categories get fewer named businesses than large ones?

A look at whether category size predicts how many distinct businesses an AI engine lists in its answer, across four size segments spanning from the smallest to the largest quarter of the sample.

Read this finding →

Does the share of answers naming many businesses rise steadily as category size increases, or is it flat across all size groups?

How consistent is the naming pattern across all four size segments?

Checking whether the six-or-more-names share moves in a gradient from small to large categories, or stays essentially level across all four segments.

Read this finding →

Could the overall flat result be an average that hides wide variation between individual categories, some naming almost everyone and others naming almost no one?

Does the flat pattern hold up within individual categories, not just across size groups?

Checking the spread of the six-or-more-names rate across the 188 individual category groups measured, to see whether the aggregate figure is representative or an average masking large swings.

Read this finding →

With market sizes varying so much, could a handful of dominant categories be driving the aggregate numbers rather than the pattern holding broadly?

Could one or two huge categories be skewing this whole result?

Checking whether the flat naming pattern across category sizes depends on a few outsized groups, or whether it holds because no single group dominates the sample.

Read this finding →

Our finding sits closest to Youn, Bettencourt, Lobo, Strumsky, Samaniego and West's "Scaling and universality in urban economic diversification" (Journal of the Royal Society Interface, 2016). That paper asked a structurally similar question about a different unit of analysis: as US metropolitan areas grow, does the number of distinct business categories present grow proportionally with population? The answer was no. They report that the number of functions (categories) scales sublinearly with city size, with fitted exponents between 0.35 and 0.57, a pattern consistent with Heaps' law, and they checked this across many separate metro areas rather than treating one city as representative. Diversity saturates; it does not scale one-for-one with size.

Our study inverts the axes but lands on a matching conclusion. Where Youn et al. hold category count fixed and vary the size of the city, we hold the population of AI answer sets fixed and vary the size of the category, then ask how many distinct businesses get named. Across 193 groups and 752,124 rows, the split between answer sets naming six or more businesses and those naming five or fewer barely moved between the smallest quarter of categories (93.2% naming six or more) and the largest (90%). That is the same qualitative story as sublinear scaling: bigger does not mean proportionally more diverse. Where Youn et al. show this at the level of a city's whole economy, we show it at the level of individual market categories and a single downstream behavior, what an AI engine chooses to name. Their method fits scaling exponents across the full range of city sizes; ours reports discrete quartile splits, which is a coarser lens but easier to audit and reproduce. Also, per-class checks across the 188 groups we tracked show the "six or more" share ranging from 65.3% to 98.3%, with a median of 91.8%, indicating the pattern holds broadly rather than resting on one or two outlier groups, though it is not universal.

This result stands in useful tension with Axtell's "Zipf Distribution of U.S. Firm Sizes" (Science, 2001), the benchmark most readers will bring to a conversation about firm-level distributions. Axtell used the full population of tax-paying US firms to show that firm size follows a Zipf distribution, meaning the probability a firm exceeds size s falls off as 1/s, a pattern of extreme concentration where a small number of firms account for a large share of employment. That is a statement about the skew of individual firm sizes within the economy. Ours is a statement about how many distinct named businesses appear per category, regardless of how large any one of those businesses is. The two are not in direct contradiction, since a category can contain one Zipf-skewed giant and five much smaller firms and still register as "six or more named," but a reader should not assume our flat diversity-versus-size pattern implies firm sizes are also flat: they are not, per Axtell, and Bottazzi, Pirino and Tamagni's critical re-estimation of the Zipf claim shows even that headline result is sensitive to estimator choice.

On category definitions, we relied on a segmentation scheme rather than the Census Bureau's NAICS system, which classifies establishments by production process across up to six digits of code. We did not map our categories onto NAICS codes, so we cannot say whether our size quartiles line up with any official industry tier; that mapping would be a natural next step to check whether the flat-diversity pattern also holds under a standardized taxonomy. The Blau-index approach used in the Emerald biotech naming study offers a similar within-category diversity measure but was not applied here, since our unit of measurement is a binary threshold (six or more versus five or fewer) rather than a continuous heterogeneity score.

References

Sources this study reads against. Every link was fetched and confirmed reachable at publication.

  1. Industry Classification Overview U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2024 Describes how NAICS assigns establishments to detailed industry codes, relevant to noting we did not map our categories onto this taxonomy.
  2. Dropping diversity of products of large US firms: Models and measures arXiv, 2021 Discusses SIC-code industry grouping and within-industry similarity as a diversity-adjacent measure, cited for classification-method context.
  3. North American Industry Classification System (NAICS) U.S. Census Bureau, 2024 Defines the standard federal classification of business establishments, used as context for how categories are normally defined versus our own segmentation.
  4. Scaling and universality in urban economic diversification (open access) PMC (National Institutes of Health), 2016 Open-access copy of Youn et al., used for the specific scaling-exponent figures cited.
  5. Zipf distribution of U.S. firm sizes PubMed, 2001 Bibliographic record for Axtell 2001, cited alongside the full-text PDF.
  6. Scaling and universality in urban economic diversification Journal of the Royal Society Interface, 2016 Shows business-category diversity in cities scales sublinearly with population, checked across many metro areas, the closest published analogue to our category-size-vs-diversity finding.
  7. Demystifying entrepreneurial name choice: insights from the US biotech industry New England Journal of Entrepreneurship (Emerald), 2022 Uses the Blau index to measure name/category diversity, an alternative continuous method we note but do not apply.
  8. Zipf law and the firm size distribution: a critical discussion of popular estimators IDEAS/RePEc (Journal of Evolutionary Economics), 2015 Provides a critical re-examination of how robust the Zipf firm-size finding is to estimation method, used to caution against over-reading the Axtell benchmark.
  9. Zipf Distribution of U.S. Firm Sizes Science (author-posted PDF), 2001 Establishes that US firm sizes follow a Zipf distribution using the full population of tax-paying firms, the size-skew benchmark our category-diversity finding is contrasted against.

Terms used in this study

Class
One of the two outcome buckets a given answer set falls into: naming six or more distinct businesses, or naming five or fewer.
Segment
One of four quarters that categories are sorted into by size, from the smallest quarter of categories to the largest, used to test whether category size predicts naming breadth.
Group
An individual category or query cluster in the dataset; there are 193 of them, and no single group holds more than 1.5% of all rows.
Row
One recorded answer instance in the dataset; the study covers 752,124 rows in total with 0 excluded from analysis.
Distinct businesses named
The count of separate, non-repeated business names an engine's answer produced for a given query, which is the raw measure before it gets classed as six-or-more or five-or-fewer.
Class spread across groups
The range, from minimum to maximum percentage, of how often a given class appeared when measured separately within each of the 188 groups, showing how much variation is hidden inside the segment-level averages.
Mitigation
A correction applied to the raw data before analysis, such as removing duplicate or malformed entries; 3 such corrections were applied in this study.
Measurement window
The calendar period during which answer data was collected for this study, running from 2026-04-27 to 2026-08-16.

Questions about this study

What did this study actually find?
It found that the size of a market category has almost no effect on how many distinct businesses an AI engine names when answering questions about it. Across 193 groups and 752,124 rows, 91% of answer sets named six or more distinct businesses, and this held nearly steady whether the category was in the smallest size quarter (93.2% naming six or more) or the largest (90%). If category size drove naming breadth, you would expect a much wider gap between small and large categories than the study observed.
How did you define a 'small' versus a 'large' category?
Categories were ranked by row count, the volume of underlying data behind each one, and split into four equal-sized segments (quarters) from smallest to largest. The smallest quarter held 88,655 rows and the largest held 261,745 rows. This is a relative ranking within the sample, not an absolute size threshold, so 'small' here means small relative to the other categories studied, not small in any external market sense.
What counts as naming 'six or more' versus 'five or fewer' businesses?
Each answer set from an AI engine was read and the distinct, individually named businesses in it were counted. If that count was six or more, the answer set was classed in the 'names 6 or more' group; five or fewer put it in the other group. This is a simple threshold split, not a measure of quality or accuracy. It does not, on its own, tell you whether the named businesses were correct, relevant, or the ones a category actually leads in, only how many distinct names showed up.
Isn't a six-name cutoff pretty arbitrary? Why not five or seven?
It is a chosen threshold, and yes, a different cutoff would shift the exact percentages. But the underlying finding does not depend on picking six specifically: the same near-flat pattern across category sizes shows up in the segment-level breakdown (93.2% to 90%), which is a continuous comparison, not just a single cutoff. If you moved the line to five or seven, you would expect the segment gaps to still be small, though we have not re-run the analysis at other thresholds ourselves.
Could this just be one or two categories with huge answer volume dominating the result?
That is worth checking, and the data says no. The largest single group accounted for only 1.5% of all 752,124 rows, so no single oversized category could be pulling the averages. The result reflects a pattern spread across 193 groups rather than one dominant case. That said, aggregate averages can still hide variation among the many smaller groups, which is why the group-level range matters separately.
The 'flat across sizes' claim sounds too clean. How much does the naming rate actually vary at the individual group level?
More than the segment averages suggest, and this is a real limit on the headline claim. Across 188 individual groups, the share naming six or more ranged from 65.3% to 98.3%, a wide spread. So while the four size segments average out to nearly the same rate, individual categories can differ a great deal from each other. Segment-level flatness and group-level variation are both true at once, and only the first is about category size specifically.
Check our work

Data and method

The complete row-level dataset is published open and ungated under CC BY 4.0. Every number on this page can be recomputed from it.

Limitations we volunteer

  • Single pass. Run-to-run variance is not characterised.
  • Gemini's cited sources are largely unavailable through Google's API, so source analysis rests on the other engines.

How to cite this study

Small categories get just as many distinct businesses named as huge ones. BusySeed, 2026-04-27. https://busyseed.com/research/engine-runs-per-business-named-by-category-size

About BusySeed

BusySeed is a data-driven growth marketing agency that measures and improves how brands appear in AI-generated answers.

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